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Unveiling the Top 10 Blockbusters Through 2024

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As the year unfolds, the domestic box office has been electrified by a series of standout films, each making waves with impressive earnings. With « Despicable Me 4 » dominating its third weekend and « Twisters » gearing up for its own grand entrance, 2024 is shaping up to be a remarkable year for cinema. Here’s a look at the top 10 highest-grossing movies of 2024, showcasing the year’s biggest hits so far:

1. Inside Out 2 – $576.4 Million
Disney-Pixar’s Inside Out 2 leads the pack with a staggering $576.4 million at the domestic box office. This highly anticipated sequel continues to captivate audiences with its innovative storytelling and emotional depth, solidifying its position as the year’s top blockbuster.

2. Dune: Part Two – $282.1 Million
Denis Villeneuve’s Dune: Part Two has taken the second spot with a robust $282.1 million. The epic continuation of the Dune saga has been a hit with fans of sci-fi and fantasy, thanks to its grand scale and immersive world-building.

3. Despicable Me 4 – $260 Million
In its third weekend, Despicable Me 4 has already amassed $260 million. The beloved animated franchise continues to entertain audiences of all ages with its signature humor and endearing characters.

4. Godzilla x Kong: The New Empire – $195.8 Million
The monster mash-up Godzilla x Kong: The New Empire has roared its way to $195.8 million. This high-octane film delivers thrilling battles and jaw-dropping visual effects, keeping fans on the edge of their seats.

5. Kung Fu Panda 4 – $193.5 Million
The fourth installment in the Kung Fu Panda series has earned $193.5 million, proving that audiences still have a soft spot for Po and his kung fu adventures. The film’s mix of action, comedy, and heartwarming moments continues to resonate with fans.

6. Bad Boys: Ride or Die – $189.3 Million
The dynamic duo of Will Smith and Martin Lawrence returns in Bad Boys: Ride or Die, which has brought in $189.3 million. The film’s blend of high-octane action and comedic moments has struck a chord with audiences.

7. Kingdom of the Planet of the Apes – $170.9 Million
Kingdom of the Planet of the Apes has clawed its way to $170.9 million, continuing the legacy of the popular franchise with its thought-provoking story and impressive visual effects.

8. A Quiet Place: Day One – $127.8 Million
The prequel A Quiet Place: Day One has earned $127.8 million, offering a chilling exploration into the origins of the franchise’s terrifying creatures. Its suspenseful narrative and gripping performances have kept audiences intrigued.

9. Ghostbusters: Frozen Empire – $113.1 Million
With a box office haul of $113.1 million, Ghostbusters: Frozen Empire has managed to charm fans with its blend of nostalgia and new thrills. The film brings a fresh twist to the beloved franchise, making it a hit with both new and old fans.

10. IF – $111 Million
Rounding out the top 10 is IF, which has garnered $111 million. This unique film has intrigued audiences with its imaginative concept and strong performances, securing its place among the year’s top earners.

Conclusion : The top 10 highest-grossing movies of 2024 reflect a diverse range of genres and storytelling styles, from animated adventures to epic sci-fi and thrilling action. As the year progresses, these films have set a high bar for cinematic excellence, drawing audiences into theaters and captivating them with unforgettable experiences. Stay tuned for more updates and box office hits as 2024 continues to unfold!

Why Every Internet User Needs a VPN in 2025: The Ultimate Protection Comparator.

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Stay Private. Stream Freely. Browse Without Limits.

In today’s digital world, your personal data is more valuable than ever — and more vulnerable. From intrusive ads to government surveillance, unsecured Wi-Fi to geo-blocked content, there are many reasons why millions of users now rely on Virtual Private Networks (VPNs).

But with so many VPN services claiming to be « the fastest » or « the most secure », how do you choose the right one?

EchoDaily breaks it down for you with this trusted VPN comparator — tested, reviewed, and ranked by our editorial team to help you make the smartest choice for your needs.






1. Security Threats Are Rising – Don’t Be the Next Victim

  • Cyberattacks increased by 38% in 2024 (Check Point Research), with public Wi-Fi hotspots being prime targets.
  • VPN encryption (AES-256) acts as an "invisibility cloak," making your data unreadable to hackers.
  • Real-world example: In 2024, a major hotel chain's Wi-Fi was hacked, exposing credit card details of 12,000 guests—all preventable with a VPN.

2. Bypass Censorship & Access Global Content

  • Streaming wars have locked content behind regional walls (e.g., Netflix US vs. UK libraries differ by 40%).
  • Workaround: VPNs with dedicated streaming servers (like [Brand Name]’s optimized locations) bypass these restrictions.
  • Critical for:
    • Expats missing home TV
    • Journalists in restrictive regimes
    • Travelers needing access to their usual services

3. Stop ISP Throttling & Boost Speeds

  • 75% of internet users experience intentional speed throttling by ISPs (FCC report).
  • VPNs prevent this by hiding your activity—no more buffering during 4K streams or Zoom calls.
  • Pro Tip: Choose VPNs with 10Gbps+ servers (like [Brand Name]) for lag-free gaming and torrenting.

4. Privacy Laws Are Changing – Protect Yourself

  • 2025 regulations allow more data collection in many countries (e.g., revised US Privacy Act).
  • No-logs VPNs (independently audited like [Brand Name]) ensure:
    • No records of your browsing history
    • No sale of data to advertisers
    • Protection from government overreach

5. Remote Work Demands VPN Protection

  • 43% of companies now require VPNs for remote employees (Gartner 2024).
  • Key features for professionals:
    • Split tunneling (route only work traffic through VPN)
    • Kill switches (auto-disconnect if VPN drops)
    • Business-tier security (SOCKS5 proxy, Double VPN)

How to Choose the Best VPN in 2025

Not all VPNs deliver on their promises. Here’s what to prioritize:

FeatureWhy It Matters[Brand Name]’s Advantage
Server CountMore locations = better unblocking3,000+ servers in 100+ countries
SpeedAvoid buffering & slowdowns10Gbps servers (tested)
JurisdictionAvoid "Five Eyes" surveillanceBased in privacy-friendly [Country]
Device SupportProtect all your gadgets7 simultaneous connections

Common VPN Myths Debunked

"Free VPNs are just as good" – Most sell your data (75% in 2024 studies) or lack encryption.
"VPNs slow you down" – Premium services like [Brand Name] show <5% speed loss in tests.
"Only hackers need VPNs" – Anyone using public Wi-Fi (airports, cafes) is at risk.

Maximizing Your VPN’s Potential

  • Pair with a password manager for 360° security
  • Use on routers to protect smart home devices
  • Enable always-on VPN (especially for mobile)

Trump’s ‘indecency’ endangers transatlantic alliance: French PM

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François Bayrou calls U.S. president’s treatment of Zelenskyy “a staggering scene marked by brutality.”

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PARIS ― French Prime Minister François Bayrou on Monday declared the alliance with the U.S. is seriously wounded and called President Donald Trump’s attitude toward Ukraine “an indecency.”

“On Friday evening, a staggering scene unfolded, marked by brutality and a desire to humiliate, the aim of which was to threaten Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy into surrendering to the demands of his aggressor,” Bayrou said in a speech to the National Assembly, referring to Trump’s verbal assault on Zelenskyy at the White House after weeks of growing alignment with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

While Bayrou has limited weight on foreign affairs, which are under the president’s remit, his words contrast with carefully calibrated comments from Emmanuel Macron and other leaders, who are trying to salvage what’s left of the transatlantic alliance.

Macron said on Sunday there was « legitimate emotion » about the scene and « doubt » over U.S. support for Europe in the long term.

But he also called for Trump and Zelenskyy to start talking again.

“I think that beyond the anger, everyone needs to return to calm, respect and recognition, so that we can move forward concretely, » Macron said, and also stressed: « I want to make the Americans understand that disengaging from Ukraine is not in their interest. »

The White House scene, which stunned the world, left many European leaders wondering whether the U.S. is still an ally.

“There were two victims in this scene, the security of Ukraine, which is fighting for its survival,” Bayrou said, and “a certain idea of the alliance we had with and around the United States … We are being asked to accept standards we refuse … to abandon our concern for decency and accept the indecency they would like to impose on us. »

Bayrou was speaking ahead of a debate in the French parliament’s lower chamber, where opposition leaders lined up to speak about European security and the situation in Ukraine in a non-binding parliamentary discussion.

Far-right leader Marine Le Pen, whose party and its allies hold roughly a third of the seats, reiterated her camp’s strong opposition to anything resembling a common European defense.

While Macron has sole authority on military affairs, the parliament holds sway on defense-related legislation, including the budget, which could be impacted should France seek to step up its military spending.

Over the weekend, Macron called on Europeans to dramatically increase their defense spending to over 3 percent of GDP; France currently spends 2.1 percent of its GDP on its military. 

Trump reignites Europe’s Franco-German engine

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Officials in Paris and Berlin are excited about the good relationship incoming German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has with French President Emmanuel Macron.

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PARIS — French President Emmanuel Macron has finally found the kindred German spirit he’s spent years looking for — and he has Donald Trump to thank.

By vacillating on America’s commitment to NATO and demanding that Europe step up to protect Ukraine against Russia, the U.S. president is upending the security architecture that’s protected Western Europe for the past eight decades.

It’s a geopolitical shock that is pressing incoming German Chancellor Friedrich Merz to revive the long-sputtering Franco-German motor that is supposed to drive the European Union’s economy and chart its political trajectory.

For Macron, relations with Germany have been a perennial frustration. While France has called for the EU to chart its own course militarily and industrially with a policy of « strategic autonomy, » Berlin has been skeptical, not wanting to alienate the U.S., which has been the lodestar of its post-war defense strategy.

Despite Macron’s valiant diplomatic efforts — including delivering a eulogy for former finance minister Wolfgang Schäuble predominantly in German last year — Berlin has not succumbed to his charms on key policy issues, ranging from trade to joint debt.

Now all the old certainties are vanishing fast.

In an astonishing U-turn that signals a watershed in relations, Merz is even expressing interest in Germany being protected by France’s nuclear deterrent. It’s one of the many proposals that the French have been pushing for years but traditionally received a frosty reception across the Rhine.

After years of seemingly disagreeing with Germany on everything during Olaf Scholz’s tenure, France is delighting at the prospect of a German leader who, even before taking office, is moving with urgency to clear a path for his country to invest billions of euros in infrastructure and arms.

“Merz and his entourage have the Franco-German reflex,” France’s minister for European affairs, Benjamin Haddad, told POLITICO. “That doesn’t necessarily mean that we will agree on everything, but that there’s a willingness to move forward together. »

Disagreements between the two sides on hot-button issues like free trade agreements are unlikely to magically disappear, but officials say there’s plenty of common ground to be found, especially on the defense front.

« There has been a change in their perception of the world, which is getting more similar to ours,” said Sylvain Maillard, a centrist French lawmaker and vice-president of the France-Germany friendship committee in the National Assembly.

Bonding over Trump

Merz and Macron were probably always going to get along well. Both are former creatures of the corporate world, though Merz’s career in the private sector — which included stints at white shoe law firm Mayer Brown and on the board of investment firm BlackRock — was much longer than Macron’s time as a banker at Rothschild & Co. They even share an affinity for the German artist Anselm Kiefer.

But without Trump, it’s not clear that the two leaders would’ve gotten off on such good footing.

The incoming German leader is an avowed transatlanticist, yet after his party’s election victory in February he made it clear that the United States, a country he claims to have visited more than 100 times, under Trump is no longer the dependable ally it once was.

Three days later, Merz rushed to Paris for a three-hour dinner with Macron at the Elysée palace during which they discussed — in English — issues ranging from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to defense spending and the bloc’s economic challenges. Merz describes himself as « very close » to Macron.

“Merz and Macron have found a common wavelength,” agreed someone close to Merz, who was granted anonymity to speak freely. “There are intensive contacts that should lead to a Franco-German agenda, which should begin soon after the new German government has taken up its work. »

That doesn’t mean the two sides have an easy path forward.

Merz will have to overcome Germany’s long-standing allergy to debt to catch up after decades of underspending on defense.

And cash-strapped France has no easy way to reach the defense spending target of more than 3 percent of gross domestic product Macron recently set, so it has floated joint borrowing at the European level as a possible solution — a no-go for Germany so far.

Still, the challenges posed by the Trump administration’s retrenchment from Europe have created what one official close to Macron called an « alignment » between Berlin and Paris.

The crisis, the official said, created « quite powerful Franco-German momentum. »

Joseph de Weck, a fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute think tank, says Merz is « the best partner Macron has probably seen on the other side of the Rhine in the past seven years. »

It’s no coincidence, de Weck noted, that on Merz’s desk at the CDU headquarters in Berlin there is a black-and-white photo of Konrad Adenauer and Charles de Gaulle.

“Like Macron, Merz thinks in historical terms, and he might want to see a photo of him and Macron in history books one day, » de Weck said.

CORRECTION: This article has been updated to correct Sylvain Maillard’s role in the France-Germany friendship committee in the National Assembly

Le Pen’s dilemma: Seek revenge or help her party

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Marine Le Pen has been trying to normalize the National Rally in recent years, but may be tempted to wreak havoc after her guilty verdict.

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PARIS — Marine Le Pen, the frontrunner to be next French president, has a massive decision to make: Having been banned from standing in 2027’s election, does she go quietly or does she burn the house down?

What she chooses will have a huge impact on the country’s politics over the next couple of years and beyond; and whatever path she follows, it will be fraught with risk and complications.

In a French court on Monday she was found guilty of embezzling European Parliament funds and was immediately banned from running for office for five years. If her appeal fails she will get a four-year prison sentence ― two of which were suspended and two to be served under house arrest.

She could opt to stand aside and give her protégé, Jordan Bardella ― though only 29 ― the clearest run possible to win support ahead of the next presidential election. But would giving such an inexperienced candidate the crown reduce the chances that her party, the National Rally, takes the presidency in the 2027 election? And would meekly standing aside waste the political capital that Monday’s verdict might bring?

Or she could dig her heels in and unleash an almighty blitzkrieg, castigating the French justice system with one hand and bringing down the government with the other. But might that not outrage French voters and crater support for the party she’s spent her life building?

Already, Le Pen and her allies are calling the court decision a democratic scandal, suggesting she won’t take the verdict lying down.

“This evening, millions of French people are indignant, indignant to an unimaginable extent seeing that [in] France, the country of human rights, judges have implemented practices that were thought to be the reserve of authoritarian regimes,” Le Pen said in an interview with broadcaster TF1 Monday.

There’s a long way to go.

French politics just got more chaotic

Le Pen is one of the most recognizable and most popular faces in French politics. Her party is the largest in the French parliament and nabbed the largest share of the vote in last year’s European election.

In the short term, it’s President Emmanuel Macron’s government that might take the hit. In recent days National Rally heavyweights have been threatening to collapse it, ostensibly over energy policy. Loyalists close to Le Pen may be tempted now to follow through with those threats. 

The government, led by centrist Prime Minister François Bayrou, has a fragile grip on power.

The far-right party could table a motion of no confidence over energy policy, which could be successful if other opposition parties ― it would need the left to join in ― decide to vote in favor. The National Rally has held back from toppling the government since Bayrou was appointed in December.

Le Pen, who left the courthouse before her verdict was delivered, may decide to take a page from the playbook of U.S. President Donald Trump, who campaigned against legal proceedings launched against him.

She could portray the decision as a left-wing political vendetta and try to galvanize her supporters to campaign against the political establishment. In doing so she’d be echoing remarks made by Trump ally Elon Musk on Monday, who said that “when the radical left can’t win via democratic vote, they abuse the legal system to jail their opponents.”

Although the party has its roots in extreme-right racism and antisemitism, Le Pen has fought to normalize it and widen her electoral base. She has always said she would strive to uphold the institutions of the French Republic, but Monday’s bombshell changes everything.

French politics has been fractious in recent years, with many spontaneous political movements springing up — the most prominent being the 2018 anti-Macron Yellow Vest protest, which turned violent.

While Le Pen is likely to resist calling for violence personally, the verdict could fuel resentment in a country whose voters are already frustrated with how things are run. 

Bardella, the sub

In a post on X, Bardella slammed the court verdict as an attack on the separation of powers in France, an unjust sentence that was tantamount to democracy being “executed.”

His hashtag ― #IsupportMarine ― and his call for “a popular, peaceful mobilization” raises the specter that Le Pen will adopt a Trumpian attitude to the verdict and slam the justice system.

“I think people will be disgusted, will be more and more disgusted with the way our system works and [with] this new kind of totalitarianism from European Union leaders,” said Bruno Gollnisch, a former European lawmaker from Le Pen’s party who was also convicted at the trial.

But Le Pen’s potentially angry backlash ― beside an appeal process ― and her party’s long tradition of deference toward its leader may also undermine the National Rally’s ability to bounce back.

Most National Rally heavyweights worship Le Pen, whom they call “The Boss” in private.

“We all have one thing in common, and it is that we are fans of her,” one of her top lieutenants said recently.

Bardella is first in line to replace Le Pen as the far right’s presidential candidate, but many say they doubt his ability to assume the mantle from his mentor and unite a party devoted to the Le Pen family. 

Bardella can hardly boast the same political career and gravitas. Recent missteps, such as a failed trip to Washington D.C. for the right-wing Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), and his lack of experience with the high-pressure marathon of a presidential bid will attract intense scrutiny should he decide to run.

So far, Bardella’s success has often been ascribed to his proximity to the successful Le Pen ― his slick manner and youth contrasting with her more somber personality and experience. On his own, many observers doubt he would be able to differentiate himself from more mainstream right-wing candidates such as Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau and Eric Ciotti.

Retailleau may be tempted to break away from the government in order to turbocharge his candidacy and woo Le Pen voters before they think about switching to her successor. This could be the case particularly if Le Pen’s engages in a drawn-out battle to clear her name.

In an Ifop poll published Sunday, Bardella lands a similar share of votes to Le Pen for the first round of the 2027 presidential election, but performs slightly below his mentor in a hypothetical runoff against a centrist candidate.

French politics has been shaped in recent years by Le Pen’s relentless rise, with far-right ideas on immigration and Islam becoming more mainstream ― while political opponents find ways to build alliances to keep her out of power. 

Amid the unpredictability engulfing French politics today, one thing is suddenly almost certain: Neither Macron nor Le Pen, the two most important politicians in France today, will be running for president in 2027.

Victor Goury-Laffont contributed to this report.

Former French PM considers return to combat ‘neoimperialism’

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Dominique de Villepin is enjoying unprecedented popularity, more than a decade after he was last in power.

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PARIS — Dominique de Villepin hasn’t been in government in France for more than a decade. The crowning moment of his career — his impassioned speech at the U.N. against the U.S.’s pending invasion of Iraq — took place when France’s current foreign minister was just a teenager.

But the sophisticated, silver-haired bête noire of the Bush administration is enjoying an unexpected moment of fame. What began as a return to the spotlight by criticizing the scale of Israel’s retaliation to the Oct. 7, 2023 terrorist attack led by Hamas has morphed into a full-on media blitz with domestic and international press.

To what end, remains a mystery. The 71-year-old is said to be considering a run for president but has repeatedly ducked the question, including in an interview with POLITICO. He also vigorously denies his media campaign is designed to lobby for foreign powers, notably from the Middle East, or to raise the profile of his consulting firm, Villepin International.

“I want the French to understand what’s happening to them,” de Villepin told POLITICO when asked about his comeback. In the past few weeks de Villepin launched a newsletter, opened a fresh Instagram account and published an essay calling on the French population’s “spirit of resistance.” 

“There is a battle to be waged. And you can see that there aren’t very many of us who can wage it,” he said.

De Villepin is clearly enjoying a moment he appears tailor-made for. Though he hails from the traditional center right of French politics, his support for the Palestinian cause has earned him new respect on the left. He was even praised by one of far-left firebrand Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s top lieutenants for his positions on Gaza.

Now, with President Donald Trump back in the White House, the fiery, eloquent tirades de Villepin leveled against George W. Bush and American “neoimperialism” are once again finding a receptive audience among a French public watching in disbelief at what’s happening in Washington and the Middle East.

“Everywhere I go and each time I speak, I can sense a resonance,” he said. “Unfortunately, today’s politics doesn’t meet it. I am not saying this is the Red Sea opening, but there is something.”

What Dominique would do

De Villepin’s unmistakable 6-foot-2-inch silhouette rarely goes unnoticed in Paris business and diplomatic circles. He was recently seen at a reception put on by shipping and media mogul Rodolphe Saadé, one of President Emmanuel Macron’s best-known allies in the country’s business elite.

De Villepin, whose family tree abounds with diplomats, politicians and military officers, spent most of his childhood in Venezuela, where his father worked at the time. As the epitome of France’s old-fashioned career diplomats, infused with Gaullist ideals and a love of French literature and history, he forged ties in many of the world’s power centers.

After his short-lived presidential run, he retired from politics and launched a successful career as a consultant. He still displays the same gravitas and lyrical talent that won him fame under center-right President Jacques Chirac, along with the strong opinions that made him a polarizing figure abroad.

And he still has no shortage of opinions on international affairs, especially how to fix the onslaught of crises facing France.

Speaking from a café a stone’s throw from the Invalides golden dome in central Paris, de Villepin says European leaders should not have been so quick to schedule meetings at the White House “imagining that we can appease Donald Trump’s anger and ire.”

“Some would like to think we can respond in a measured and reasonable way to somehow appease the Moloch,” he said, referring to the sacrifice-thirsty biblical deity.

De Villepin said Macron has not done enough to publicly explain how he will turn his lofty rhetoric into action.

“We have to be able to put a political and diplomatic proposal on the table that would be Europeans and Ukrainians’ roadmap … if this plan or this roadmap is too loose or not clear enough, not assertive enough, we are negotiating with our backs to the wall,” de Villepin said.

De Villepin did agree with Macron’s current push to move forward, along with like-minded partners, outside of the structures of the European Union to deal with urgent issues such as joint borrowing to fund increased defense spending.

Countries with high debt and overstretched budgets, such as France, Spain and Italy, have long advocated common borrowing as the only way to significantly increase defense spending, but the idea is politically toxic for more fiscally conservative countries in Northern Europe.

Can he win?

The former prime minister’s last foray into politics dates back to a failed presidential bid in 2012. Yet despite not being actively engaged in politics, or perhaps because of it, de Villepin recently topped a respected pollster’s ranking of French politicians, coming in ahead of presidential hopefuls such as center-right heavyweight Edouard Philippe.

However, as that same survey shows, translating that popularity into votes is likely a long shot. If de Villepin were to mount a run, he would find the political space he could hope to build on has significantly shrunk. His former party, Les Républicains, is a shell of its former self after bleeding membership to President Emmanuel Macron’s centrist movement and the surging far-right National Rally.

Arguably the most popular figure in Les Républicains is Bruno Retailleau, the interior minister known for his hardline stance on immigration. Retailleau is mounting a bid to lead Les Républicains and is rumored to have his eye on the presidency in 2027.

For now, a presidential run likely remains a pipe dream. In a poll published Sunday, the former prime minister is credited with between 2.5 percent and 5 percent of voting intentions in the 2027 presidential election’s first round.

But if de Villepin truly believes he is the man for this moment, bad poll numbers probably won’t stop him from mounting a bid for the Elys´ée to combat what he calls the “neoimperialist offensive” against the French.

“I don’t think that today, even among some of the Republic’s top officials, we have fully grasped what is at stake,” he said.

Homelessness surges in Brussels

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Hundreds of people are sleeping in public spaces including metro stations, new report shows.

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The number of homeless people in Brussels dramatically increased in the last two years, a new report published Wednesday revealed.

On one night in November 2024, 9,777 people were recorded as homeless in Brussels, an increase of 25 percent compared to the previous count in 2022, according to the study conducted by Bruss’Help, the regional coordination agency for homelessness.

Around 4,000 people were reported staying in emergency shelters or in empty buildings with the owner’s approval, on the night of the count. Another 992 slept in public spaces including metro stations, marking a 23 percent increase since 2022. Out of these 992, more than 600 were in municipalities on the outskirts of Brussels, indicating that the problem is spreading beyond the city center.

Another 2,649 people, 27 percent of the total, were staying in nonconventional housing, including nonapproved accommodation structures, temporary accommodations or squats. 1,539 people, 16 percent of the total, were staying with third parties.

According to Bruss’Help, “the scale of the problem exceeds all individual initiatives,” and it hopes that the current report will help policymakers develop “more effective, structural and humane public policy measures.”

The Bruss’Help study, which is carried out every two years with the help of volunteers, tracks various forms of homelessness across the region. A more detailed, qualitative analysis is expected in June.